Monday, October 12, 2015

PROPOSED MAP OF KUKILAND/ KUKI STATE





Written by Mizoram Express Photos Jan 24, 2011


The demand for creation of Kukiland/Kuki state has been revived after a long lull. Earlier, it was mainly confined to parts of Senapati and Ukhrul districts in Manipur. However, this time the Kuki State Demand Committee which was formed last year has released the proposed map of their demand area comprising a major chunk of Manipur. The demand area comprises of Churachandpur district, Chandel district, parts ofTamenglong district, parts of Senapati district and parts of Ukhrul district.


This latest demand which is allegedly supported by the KNO leaves the four valley districts of Imphal east and west, Bishenpur and Thoubal district. It maybe mentioned that the Kuki State Demand Committee had already submitted a Memorandum to UPA chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi last year. The proposed Kuki State/Kukiland During the British Raj, the Hmars and those living in Lushai Hills were referred to as the Old Kukis whereas those living in Manipur’s Senapati and other parts of Manipur were called the New Kukis.


However, with the Mizo Union gaining strength in the Lushai Hills, various tribes living along the present Mizoram-Assam-Manipur border began to identify more with the word Mizo, which was created to unite all Zo tribes under one platform for engaging with India for an independent nation. However, the New Kukis in Manipur remained cut-off from mainstream Mizo nationalism and today they still identified themselves with the word Kuki comprising several clans like the Haokips, Thadou, Kipgen, etc.


It is not yet known whether major Mizo tribes in Manipur- the Hmars and Paites- have joined the Kuki State Demand Committee. However, since, all the Zo tribes in Manipur have so many common features, it will not be surprising if the Kuki statehood had already been chalked-out silently by the leaders of all the major tribes to “safeguard” their land against the so-called Manipuris even as the Nagas want to break away from Manipur.

Wednesday, September 30, 2015

REASONS FOR OPPOSITION TO THE BILL

By: Joyful Tonsing

1.   That, the drafting Committee of State Legislators formed by the State Government to draft the 3 Bills namely, the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015; the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015 and the Manipur Shops and Establishments Bill (2nd Amendment) Bill 2015, did not have any tribal legislator as its Member.



2.    These Bills, when passed will be applicable to the whole State of Manipur including the tribal/hill areas but the Hill Areas Committee was never consulted before the introduction of the Bills nor after the introduction of the Bill. This is in clear violation of Order 4(2) of theManipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972 which states that,“Every Bill, other than a Money Bill, affecting wholly or partly the Hill Areas and containing mainly provisions dealing with any of the Scheduled matters shall, after introduction in the Assembly, be referred to the Hill Areas Committee for consideration and report to the Assembly”. Also, the classification of the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 as a Money Bill is nothing but a sinister design to bypass the Hill Areas Committee. Just because a bill contains provisions for expenditure out of the Consolidated Fund of India it does not mean that it will be classified as a Money Bill.



3.    There is a big apprehension among the tribal populace of the State that these Bills, though ostensibly aimed at checking the influx of outsiders into the State, is also against the tribal populace of the State. This apprehension is not unfounded as is evidenced by the following facts:-



(i)                    Clause 2 (b) of the Manipur Assembly in which it introduced three Bills, namely, the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 defines “Manipur People” as “Persons of Manipur whose names are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur”. This definition of Manipur People is very alarming and is meant to exclude a lot of people out of the definition of Manipur People. In 1951, the Census must have excluded a large proportion of the population, especially the tribal populace as the Govt. machinery wouldn’t be able to reach the far flung areas of the State which are not connected by any means of transportation. Also, the fact that one or one’s forefather’s have to be registered in three registers, (i) National Register of Citizens, 1951; (ii) Census Report 1951 and (iii) Village Directory of 1951 is problematic. Why is registration in one not enough is a big question.



(ii)                   If the intention of the Bill is to stem the tide of influx of outsiders into the State, what then is the logic behind the cut-off year of 1951? Why not 1971 or 1981? Manipur got its statehood in 1972. If this definition is applied then most of the people who are natives of Manipur at the time of its Statehood will not even be considered Manipur People. If the intended target is outsiders, when did the influx of outsiders in huge numbers start? Maybe in the 1980s or 1990s? Why then the cutoff year of 1951?



(iii)                  The Bill is also silent about the procedure to be adopted for determination of Manipur People. It defines Manipur People but is silent about the procedure to determine whether one is a Manipur People or not. It is not clear on whom the onus/burden of proving whether a person is a native of Manipur or not lies? Whether the onus of proof lies with the person or the Government? This is not clear. In the absence of clarity, it is fearful that the onus will lie on the person.



(iv)                 There is a fear psychosis among the tribal populace that  this new definition of Manipur People will be applied selectively and whenever it suits the agenda of the valley people. That this definition will be on the tribal people to deny them basic facilities, services and amenities as a Manipur citizen cannot be ruled out. It is feared that in future, State Government jobs, State Government quota in engineering and medical, etc will be denied to the bonafide residents of the State, especially the tribal people as it is virtually impossible to prove that one is a “Manipur Person” according to the provisions of the Bill.



(v)                  The Bill creates a new Statutory Body, Directorate of Registration of Non-Manipur Persons and Tenants. But there is no provision for appeal against the decisions of the Director or the Directorate. So, if you are aggrieved with the decision of the Director or other employees, there is nobody to which you can appeal. Rather, Clause 10 provides that no suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings shall lie against any officer of the State Government for anything done in “good faith” under this Act. Here, the word “good faith” is very vague. How can you prove or disprove good faith? Thus, the Bill creates an all-powerful body against whom no appeal lies and whose decision is final.



(vi)                  The Bills introduced in the Assembly are intended against the tribals is clear from the introductory part of the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015 which speaks about the geographical area of the valley vis-a-vis the hill areas, the difference in population and population density in the valley and hill areas and the pressure on land in the valley areas. It never even once mentions the influx of outsiders and the menace arising out of it.



(vii)                 The MLR&LR Amendment Bill virtually made it impossible for the so-called “non-Manipur People” by providing that allotment of land to non-Manipur persons, firms, institutions or other similar entities will be made only after obtaining approval of the State Cabinet. As mentioned earlier, the definition of Manipur People is very problematic and meant to exclude bonafide, tribal residents of the State to deny them services, amenities and facilities meant for the people of the State. However, neither in the MLR&LR Amendment Bill, 2015 nor in the MLR&LR Act, 1960 are the expressions “Manipur People” nor “non-Manipur People” are defined. The assumption is that the definition of “Manipur People” in the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 has been used in this Bill. The apprehension and fear, as mentioned earlier is that like in this case, the definition of “Manipur People” in the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 will be used in all future legislations as well as in existing Acts of the State.



(viii)               The MLR&LR Act has already been extended to the hill areas like in Churachandpur town and its adjoining villages. So, the statement that the MLR&LR(7th Amendment) Bill, 2015 is not applicable to the hill areas is completely baseless and cannot be farther from the truth. It is pertinent to mention here that the extent clause and definition of “hill areas” in the MLR&LR Act, 1960 is totally erroneous and gives unbridled powers on the State Government to extend the MLR&LR Act to the hill areas by simply issuing a Gazette Notification to that effect. This is a deliberate ploy to grab the tribal lands and therefore, this historic blunder be corrected by amending the extent clause and definition of “hills areas” in the original Act. Also, the State Government should immediately withdraw the MLR&LT Act from the hill areas where it has been extended over the years. The State Government has been extending MLR&LR act to the hill areas by issuing a Gazette Notification so that they can claim that these areas are not hill areas as MLR&LR Act is in force in these areas. This is a sinister design to grab the tribal land and take away the hill areas and claim it as valley areas.



(ix)                 A clarification was made that the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 is not applicable to the tribal people as the term “native people” used in Section 8(a) of the Bill includes all sections/tribes living in Manipur. This statement is completely misleading as the term “native people of Manipur” has not been defined in the Bill. In the absence of definition of “native people” in the Bill itself and without any express provision in the Act/Bill that it will not be applicable to any member of the tribes of Manipur, the Section is liable to be misused and abused. Mere assumptions, statements or press clarifications will not stand the test of law and cannot never be a substitute for express provisions in the law itself.


Friday, September 25, 2015

Mipite i kiman taktak na uh maw? Zogam/Kukiland ading in!!



Mipite i kiman taktak na uh maw?

Manipur Assembly in singtangmite gam leh gua banah, India khua leh tui hilou chihna Doisekongkang Bill 3 ziakin Manipur hills district 5te, a biktak in Churachandpur district ah kiphinna tuni toh sim in ni 21 ving veng a phata. Sum neite’n zingkal dak 5-1pm tan in a poimoh van lei theihna ding hun a neih uh, himahleh hiai dakkal sung in migentheite’n poimoh leina ding sum a zong man kei uhi. Bazar kihong mahleh a leina ding a nei tuan kei uhi. Hiai chu a nepte; salpha 9te luang daidide in a lum ua, kam khat chiat bek hong paukhe thei hile uh bang a gen ding ua ‘kituaktak in i tup uh a tangtun masiah hong pang un aw, beh leh phung, pau leh ham, nam leh nam ziakin na pankhawmna uh hon subuai kei un aw’ a chi ding un ka gingta hi. Nekzong manloute’n leng maban lametna toh theihsiam/dohsiam hamham poimoh ding hi.
I theihsa uh ahi, legal point of view chihchih leng a ngai nawn kei, a hoihlou chih i thei chiata uh. Hoihlou chu hoihlou himai! A ut uh leh zukkik uh hen, a ut uh leh hiai sang a khauhzaw leng behlap uh hen, i pan chiat nak ua Act a zat hun ma in i uninou-aknoute nasan toh i pawtkheta ding uhi. Kumteng in Manipur gamgi India in a khen kei ding, khenkhiak ding om tengteng Indo-Nago peace talk a final hun un ahihvek ding ua, huai nung chiang in Manipur Chapter Closed a chita ding uhi. Foreigner a hon chih uh lehleng poilou, Ok, Israel te’n Pharo kiang ah, ka gantate uh leh ka neih ka lamte uh toh ka pai ding uh a chih bang un, foreigner ka hih uhleh ka uninou-aknoute uh tel in, ka inn uh leh ka loute uh banah, ka gam uh toh ka paikhe ding uh chih ding himailou hia?
Kum bangzah hiam paita in Nagate’n kha 2 sung vingveng Dimapur line leh Jiri line a bandh lai un Senapati in Nagaland apan a poimoh a lalut ua, Ukhurl leng Nagaland toh ki-gamgi ahihman un a buai kei ua, Tamenglong leng, Assam toh kigamgi ahihman un a buai kei ua, Chandel leng Moreh leh Ukhrul tungtawn in hinna ding lampi a nei ua, buai thousam mahle uh ei toh teh in a buai kei uhi.
Hiai hun lai in Guite Road poimoh dan a theikhia ua, kintak in Works Minister K. Ranjit makaihna in Guite Road bawl ding in a hong kisa ua, JCB bangzah hiam leng a tawllut man ua, himahleh bandh a hong kihon man ziakin ngaihsak ahinawn kei hi. Jiri road kia a buaipih charchar uhi.
Singtangmite a ding gamgi a kikhen khiak mateng tawp sawm nawn lou ding in i kikoih ua, bill passed dia nohtute leh a passed-te’n leng tawp a sawm tuan kei hial ding uh. Huchi leh bangchi ding, kinawktuahna/bandh huaise deuh mailam hun ah i tuak thei gige i hi uh chih ngaihtuah a neih a poimoh diam? Huai a ding a lampi omsun tuh Mizoram toh kikawmtuahna kintak a puahphat ahi. Huai ding in Mizoram toh kikawmtuahna naipen tuh Guite Road ahi. CCpur district mipite poimoh teng laklutna di’n Guite Road a muanhuai hia? Muanhuai lou.
Manipur Govt toh kisai thei nawnlou i hihman un, i muan mahmah, JAC te’n hiai lam puahphat ding dan si-leh-liamte, zin-leh-lengte leh local buaina neuhneuh genseng louh omte a buaipih kawmkawm un lungsim in hon neile uh a deihhuai mahmah hi. MLA te kitawp khitnung constitution dungzui in kha 6 sung in election ECI in a hon sai ding a, huai hun chiang in ‘Separate Administration’ ngetna in JAC makaih in ‘Hills district’ teng in ‘boycott’ vek le, Pu Modi sin leh lung a vit mahmah ding hi.
Hiai tan tun nang in mimal chih khosakna a hon sawkkha ding a, siamsinna tengteng a hon sawkkha ding a, saptuamte nasepna naktak in a hon sawkkha ding a, Manipur Govt nuai a semtute a hon sawkkha ding a, phatuamngai pawlpi teng hon sawkkha ding ahihman in huai ding in mipite i kiman taktak na ding uh maw?
Tuabangkal ah, i lak ua Unity hoihtak omlai i mansak ua leh ‘Tengkol pangsual tuitaw a tung’ chih upate’n thupil a, a neih uh i tung ding ua, hun paisa teng sang inleng nelhsiah leh simmoh i hita ding uhi.

Lamka Post Editorial Sept 21, 201

Thursday, September 24, 2015

MEMORANDUM submitted by JAC Churachandpur



To,

Shri Rajnath Singh,
Hon’ble Union Minister Ministry of Home Affairs
Government of India, New Delhi


Subject: Appeal for immediate political settlement with SoO Groups with Government viz, Kuki National Organisation( KNO) and United People’s Front (UPF) and the withdrawal of three anti-tribal Bills


Hon’ble Sir,

We, the Joint Action Committee (JAC), Churachandpur, in solidarity with all the hill tribes of Manipur, like to draw your attention on the present hill people’s movement in the wake of protest escalated by the passing of three unconstitutional anti-tribal bills viz. (i) The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015, (ii) The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015. (iii) The Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 in the Manipur State Assembly on 31stAugust 2015. This is for your kind consideration and immediate action.



: The three bills were passed following sustained protests in the Manipur valley districts demanding the implementation of Inner Line Permit (ILP) system for the State. It directly infringes the existing constitutional safeguard for the tribal in the ‘hill areas’ of Manipur in relation to land-ownership and the infiltration of non-tribal population in tribal areas. Considering the way in which the Meiteis are eying the lands of the tribal people, the three bills were passed in the Assembly in great haste. The informed tribal students (ATSUM) had called a state-wide bandh against the passing of the bills the day before they were actually passed. In so doing, the Manipur Assembly had gone against the Constitution of India. It by-passed the Hill Areas Committee (HAC), comprising of all MLAs from the Hill areas, set up under Article 371C of Indian Constitution. This provision protects tribal interests and therefore its concurrence to any bill passed in the Assembly is mandatory for all legislation affecting tribal areas and tribal rights.
: As the security of land is central to the psyche of the tribal people the passing of the three bills which had opened up tribal land to non-tribal people immediately sparked off protest across the hills. Churachandpur town, the second city of Manipur, eventually became the epicentre of the movement. As our representatives in the Assembly had not defended us in the Assembly the emotionally charged protesters attacked the houses of the tribal MLAs. Instead of consoling the agitated masses the state government immediately sent its reckless, communal and bloodthirsty security forces called “Commandos” in Manipur to suppress the mass protest. The reckless state security forces freely used the live bullets to disperse the mass. This resulted into the death of nine tribal people and more than 50 of them were seriously injured.

This is not the first time the Manipur Government had used its brute security forces against the hill tribes. Cases of killing tribal protesters at Ukhrul (in 2014), Mao Gate in Senapati District (2010) and at Moreh (2007) are few cases of brutality of state security forces against the tribal. In a clear case of daylight repression brutality of state security forces has become so unbecoming of any democratic government. Your Honour might have seen various reports in the national media and social media networks testifying to the brutality of the state forces in dealing with the situation.


Manipur State Government is for Meiteis, not for tribal: Under a sustained pressured from the Meitei-dominated valley people of Manipur, the passing of the three bills has reflected the real intention of the valley people, and supported by the State Government, not only to expel what they called “Non Manipur People” but more importantly to expel the tribal people from their ancestral homeland and to grab their lands which have been so far protected by the Constitution of India. It also shows a clear case of the present Ibobi Government’s incompetency to govern the state and to maintain peace among several sections of the population.
The dead bodies are waiting for Central Government assurance in writing that anti-tribal bills are withdrawn and political dialogue should begin with KNO-UPF for permanent political solution: Today is the 21st day after the nine tribal “martyrs” have been brutally killed by state security forces. Since that day their bodies are waiting for the Central Government to provide us a satisfactory solution to the demands of the hill people for a separate political settlement for the hill people. They will remain there until this demand is fulfilled. Till you come to this place there was a total absence of the Indian State except in the form of police and armies. The gravity of the situation is such that the disappointed masses are more and more bend to go violent way. Most of the government establishments such as offices, schools, hospitals, banks and so on under threat. It was the women groups who had to keep guarded all these government establishments day in and day out so that they did not fall into the hands of the disappointed masses. Shops, educational institutions, offices, hospitals and various other institutions are in complete shut-down since the incidence had taken place on 31 August. People feel insecure, disappointed and distrust to any state interventions. Violent protest can erupt anytime unless the Central Government give us an assurance in writing that the three anti-tribal bills will be withdrawn and an immediate step should be arranged for a political dialogue with KNO-UPF for a permanent political settlement for our people. Your honour is provided here a brief history of discrimination and marginality of the hill people by the Manipur and dominant Meitei people.


2. HISTORICITY OF THE IMBROGLIO

The hill areas of present Manipur was outside the ambit of Manipur kingdom during pre-colonial period. The hill tribes of Manipur, as also to our close kinsmen in neighbouring states, had been, until the British occupation, lived as independent nations away from the control of all valley kingdoms in the region such as in Manipur, Assam, Burma and Bengal. We have ruled ourselves through a unique tribal authority system. Voluminous amount of colonial records and that of the court chronicles of the valley kingdoms in the region are testimony to such historical fact (please see Annexure-01 for details).

The passage of the three Bills by Manipur Legislative Assembly on the 31st August, 2015 and the reactions that follow on are the culmination of the accumulated endemic, mutual distrust and suspicions of the hill tribes and valley dwellers. The three Bills recently passed are unconstitutional and cannot be enforced in areas under the jurisdiction of Autonomous District Council (ADCs) and some pockets that are amalgamated with Valley District, without the consent of the tribal, in Manipur( please see Annexure-02 for details).

Separation of tribal areas from Manipur State for a separate administrative and political arrangements for the hill tribes under the Constitution of India is the only solution for peace and security in the region. It is under the circumstances narrated above that the hill tribes had finally resolved that the only solution for their future growth and progress as to the safety and security of their lives and property as to their security of their ancestral land and territory as to the preservation of their culture and tradition is to detach themselves from the Meitei dominated Manipur State. The best way to do this is the creation of a separate State for the Kuki groups of tribes and the amalgamation of Naga group of tribes into Nagalim. The hill areas of Manipur consist of 20,089 sq. km. (almost three times the size of Sikkim which has only 7,096 sq km or six times the size of Goa which has 3,702 sq km) and a population of 9,02740 persons (again almost two times the population of Sikkim which has 6,10,577 persons and a little short of Mizoram which has 10,36,115 persons). While the small hill states like Mizoram, Sikkim and Goa are doing quite well in HDI and other developmental indexes there is a very strong hope for the hill tribes of Manipur that if they governed themselves independently from dominant Meiteis they would be in better position to scale into greater height toward progress.


OUR DEMAND

Looking forward for your favourable action, WE, the Joint Action Committee, Churachandpur District, in solidarity with our brothers in Manipur, therefore, demand:


Immediate political settlement with KNO-UPF leaders for separate political administrative arrangements for our people within Indian Constitution
Immediate withdrawal of the three anti-tribal bills
Memorandum submitted to the Hon’ble Prime Minister of India by JAC
Memorandum submitted to the Hon’ble Governor of Manipur by JAC

The nine death bodies will wait its honourable funeral until the Central Government gives its assurance in writing that the above three demands will be fulfilled in time bound manner. Your honour may kindly consider our appeal as a call of do or die situation.

Thanking you in anticipation.

Yours sincerely,

(H. MANGCHINKHUP)
Chief Co-ordinator

(LALKHOHAO CHONGLOI)
Co-ordinator Secy. (Admin)




Source:Phualvatimes

HISTORICAL DISCRIMINATION OF TRIBAL PEOPLE AND THE APARTHEID OF MANIPUR STATE



ANNEXTURE - I
The hill areas of present Manipur was outside the ambit of Manipur kingdom during pre-colonial period: The hill tribes of Manipur, as also to our close kinsmen in neighbouring states, had been, until the British occupation, lived as independent nations away from the control of all valley kingdoms in the region such as in Manipur, Assam, Burma and Bengal. We have ruled ourselves through a unique tribal authority system. Voluminous amount of colonial records and that of the court chronicles of the valley kingdoms in the region are testimony to such historical fact. The British Government of India had tagged, without consulting any of the tribes, our ancestral territory some parts into the British Empire and some parts to certain valley kingdoms in the region. The case of Manipur hills is no exception to this general contour of British colonial expansion and annexation. It is a recorded fact that Manipur kingdom, until the Burmese occupation, extended to the present valley of Manipur. The surrounding hill areas were virtually outside the ambit of Manipur’s rule although they occasionally raided the nearby hill villages for slaves and booties and on few occasions invaded the Burmese or Cachari territory marching through certain routes in the hills. There was not a single record to prove that Manipur kingdom ever had conquered the hills and ruled over them. Instead, the hill warriors had occasionally joined the Manipur’s forces in its war against rivals as an independent political entity and purely on political ground. The hills were always considered by the Manipur kingdom as the abode of power and hence maintained peaceful and symbiotic relationship instead of being the “subjects” of the Manipuri kingdom. Peaceful co-existence as different and independent political entities was central to the hill-valley relationship in pre-colonial period. The court chronicle Cheitheirol Kumbaba and the Puijas of the Manipur kingdom are testimony to this historical facts.
The inclusion of hill areas under the princely state of Manipur by British and the beginning of their marginalisation: After the Burmese were expelled from the kingdom of Manipur during First Anglo-Burmese War, the British had reconstructed Manipur kingdom as “dependent state” of British India and tagged suo moto the surround hills into the princely state of Manipur. Its boundary with British Bengal and of Burmese Empire was drawn and bulldozed by the British respectively in 1833 and 1834. The northern and southern boundary

Shortly afterwards [after Gambhir Singh was put up on the throne of Manipur] the British Government discontinued the payment of the Manipur Levy [of 2000 strong], but still furnished ammunition for the reduction of refractory hill tribes; and further supplied 3,000 muskets and sets of accoutrements, on the condition that the Rajah should raise the Manipur Levy to the same number. (Mackenzie 1884, 150)

This policy of the British Government over the hill tribes was taken as a licence to kill and brutally subdue them by the Manipuri forces. Hence, a history of whirlwind raids and infiltration of Manipuri forces into the hills had just begun. The Manipuris had launched a massive campaign of conquest in the hills which centre around the policy of barbaric suppression and annihilation against the hill tribes. Nevertheless, the hill people hardly accepted neither the extended boundary into their consider sphere of independence nor the conquest policy adopted by the Manipur state. They hill people had opposed the Manipuri forces on various fronts.

While the British wanted the hills areas under Manipur’s control to bring peace and tranquillity in the hills the brutal way the Manipuri forces have chosen to subdue and suppress the hill people had therefore become cause of concern to the British Government. When such brutality has become so unbecoming of a state within British Empire, and when the opposition from the hill people was equally unmanageable, in the eyes of the British government which condemned it as “rash dealing with the neighbouring hill tribes”, it was eventually decided to take over the hill administration in the hands of British officer. Thus, even after the hills were included within Manipur state it continued to be indirectly ruled by the British Political Agent of Manipur through some hill lambus. Only after the Kuki Rising 1917-19 the state administration was extended in the hills with the creation of four sub-divisions which were administered by British ICS Officers. These Officers administered the hills till India’s Independence. Thus, the hill areas of Manipur were never directly ruled by any Manipuri officers during the colonial period.

Although the hill people contributed large amount of revenue in the form of house-tax into Manipur state treasury and similar amount in the form of mandatory labour services, they had received back very little from the state for their development and progress. For instance, J.E. Webster, Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam, wrote in 1919 to the Government of India that “the revenue derived directly from the hill tribes as house tax consists of about Rs. 70,000 a year, while the expenditure on the hills has hitherto ranged between Rs. 17,000 and Rs. 19,000”. He also reported that the hill areas were practically without road, school, garrison, sub-division and so on. He has categorically stated that such state apathy to the development of the hill areas was one main cause of the Kuki Rising 1917-19. Hence the hills continued to be marginalised in all spheres of development under Manipur state. This is how the then Manipur State had treated the hill people before India’s independence. No wonder, the Rajah of Manipur even felt that the hill areas were not part of Manipur state. Thus, when the question of federating Manipur state with British crown came in 1939, the Rajah of Manipur “agreed in a letter” dated 21 July 1939 “to federate on terms which covered the exclusion of the Hills from his direct control”. In other words, the Rajah wanted to federate only those areas he actually controlled and ruled i.e. the valley part of Manipur state.


Marginalisation and backwardness of the hill people under Manipur state after independence: The marginalisation of the hill people continues to remain unabated under Manipur state after independence: politically, socially and economically. The apartheid system of segregation and discrimination on ethnic and geographical line that centre on hill-valley divide is profound in the official policy of the State. Just as we see under the Manipur’s Rajahs, the hill tribes were hugely marginalised and continue to remain backward after independence when other citizens of India are rapidly surging ahead in the world. Manipur consisted of a geographical area of 22,327 sq. km. of which 20,089 sq. km. consisted of the hill areas, inhabited exclusively by the hill tribes, and 2,238 sq. km. of the central valley, dominated by the plainsmen Meiteis. As per the 2011 census the total population of Manipur is 25,70,390 persons of which 9,02740 persons (35.1 percent) are the hill tribes and 16,67,650 persons belongs to non-tribes.



In terms of political and administrative disparity, it is explicit that out of 60 members in the State Assembly only 19 seats were reserved for the Scheduled tribes which each of them represent 44,107 persons (2001 Census) whereas 41 seats belongs to the valley districts which each of them represents 35,294 persons.Manipur Hill Areas District Council Act was passed by the Parliament of India in 1971. It was arbitrarily amended by State Assembly in 2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011, which ultimately render it toothless. It was under suspended animation from 1989 to 2010. Article 371C provided for Hill Area Committee (HAC) to ensure that no state law goes against the interests of the hill tribes. However, the advice and recommendations of this august body were never taken seriously by the State Assembly when consulted and in most cases this office was not consulted at all although many of the state laws affected the hill areas. Apart from many other cases, the present three bills, which had directly assaulted the hill people, HAC was not consulted, clearly amplifying the general attitude of Manipur State Assembly towards the HAC.



Socially and economically, the hill districts are still reeling for their economic and social upliftment. Till now a single Directorate (Directorate of Hills and Tribal Development) under a single Minister is centrally running (in contravention to democratic decentralization principle) the whole affairs of hill development. Besides, as State funds are allocated by population size, the hill people continue to remain at the receiving end of social and economic development ladder which the valley people reaped the fruits of all governmental development programmes. This is most clearly visible in the state annual budget allocation. For instance, the budget of 2004–05 show as follows:




In the worst case scenario, most of these funds allocated for the hill districts never reached the hills; they were in most cases siphoned off in the valley by ministers and bureaucrats. Similarly, non-existent or insufficient manpower to run the hill administration was the order of the hills. For instance, the sub-deputy collector’s office in Parbung, Tipaimukh sub-division of Churachandpur district has no staff or infrastructure and does not work.



In government employment also we can see that the hill tribes are far below to what they actually deserved. Already in 1976 the Assembly had passed Manipur Reservation of Vacancies in Posts and Services (for SC and ST) Bill 1976 and received Governor’s assent. But rules related to this Act first came in 1990 only to be soon withdrawn. A new bill was again introduced in 2007 which eventually was implemented. This Act envisages 33 percent of government posts for the scheduled tribes but till now not a single department of the state government had met the target. Manipur University, for instance, employed (immediately before it was converted in a central university) only three tribal out of the total 130 contract employees, 38 out of 322 non-teaching staff, and three out of 165 teaching faculty. The strength of ST for a 7.5 percent reservation under central law is not yet even fulfilled till today.

The result of such state apathy and discrimination is reflected in most explicit way in the state Human Development Indexes in which all the five hill districts performed badly in comparison to the valley districts. The Human Development Series of Manipur2003, for instance, reported that the hill districts have a larger proportion of the poor than valley districts. In the valley district of Imphal, Bishnupur and Thoubal it reported the percentage of poor at 19.33 percent, 26.24 percent and 24.39 percent respectively. In contrast, the five hill districts recorded 40 percent in Churachandpur, 42 percent in Chandel, 44.4 percent in Ukhrul, 51.3 percent in Senapati, and 54.5 percent in Tamenglong.




Annexure-02

REASONS WHY THE THREE BILLS ARE NOT ACCEPTABLE

The passage of the three Bills by Manipur Legislative Assembly on the 31st August, 2015 and the reactions that follow on are the culmination of the accumulated endemic, mutual distrust and suspicions of the hill tribes and valley dwellers. The three Bills recently passed viz. The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015; The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015 and The Manipur Shops and Establishment (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 on 31st Aug, 2015 are unconstitutional and cannot be enforced in areas under the jurisdiction of Autonomous District Council (ADCs) and some pockets that are amalgamated with Valley District, without the consent of the tribal, in Manipur. The reasons for rejecting the Bills are:-


The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015



The phrase “one of the small hill states” in the first line of the objects and reasons is highly objectionable because Manipur is never recognized and recorded as ‘a hill state’ in the Indian Constitution. Manipur was rather recorded as ‘one of the Princely State’ in the country whereby the King administered a limited area (valley areas) of the present Manipur State. The statement is a ploy to change the entire Manipur to a ‘hill state’ and its entire population into ‘hill tribes’ which is NOT acceptable and is NOT related to the issue of ‘protecting the Manipur people from outsiders’



The Bill is not a Money Bill as claimed by the Government: The Government introduced this Bill as Money Bill, but the Preamble, Objectives and Reasons and area coverage are not at all related to any taxation or expenditure matters which will affect the Consolidated Fund of the State Government. The very title of the Bill (Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015) itself suggest the social security objectives and not taxation/monetary objective. The expenditure involves for development of infrastructure, salaries and maintenance are secondary in nature.

Even if the Bills are a Money Bill as claimed by the state government, the question still arises as to whether the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 passed attracted the provisions laid down in the Schedule Matters of the Hill Areas Committee Order, 1972 pertaining to allotment of land and tribal affairs in the Hill Areas of Manipur.

There is a deliberate attempt to by-pass the Hill Area Committee (HAC) in violation of the provisions of the Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972: Article 4 Clause (1) & (2)….Every Bill, other than a Money Bill affecting wholly or partly the Hill Areas and containing mainly provisions dealing with any of the Scheduled Matters shall, after introduction in the Assembly, be referred to the Hill Areas Committee for consideration and report to the Assembly.

Why become a foreigner in your own land..? The Government has clarified that sub-section (b) of Section 2 is intended for‘outsiders/Non-Manipur persons’ who immigrated into the State since 1951 and does not apply to the people of Manipur who were born, are born, lived and living in the State and protected under clause (b) of Section 8 being “Native People of the State of Manipur”.The Government has also clarified that under Clause (a) of Section 8, “Native People” includes all sections/tribes living in Manipur (Hills & Valley).

The Bill also set 1951 as base year to qualifies as ‘Manipur People’ and identifies three criteria under clause (b) of Section 2 viz. the National Registry of Citizens 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951. In essence, if the Act is to be implemented almosteighty percent of the Tribalpopulation in the hill areas will be excluded from the purview of section 2 (b) of the Act and will be treated as ‘Non-Manipur persons’ under section 2(c) of the Act with disastrous consequences.

Hence, the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 passed by the Manipur Legislative Assembly is indicative of the deliberate intension of the Government to infringe on the rights and privileges of the Tribal Peoples in gross violation of Art. 371C of the Indian Constitution.


The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms(Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015:

The insertion of the new Section 14A and 14B after Section 14 of the Principal Act in the present Amendment Bill is nothing but only a ploy to further extends the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act to the whole of the Hill Areas of Manipur or areas under the jurisdiction of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971. It may be noted that large pockets of plain areas of Churachandpur, Ukhrul, Senapati (including Sadar Hills) and Tamenglong Districts have been brought under the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act, 1960 by virtue of insertion of “proviso to sub-section (2) of Section 1” as per Manipur Act No. 13 of 1976 published in the Manipur Gazette dated 24-05-76.



Interestingly, as per Clause (b) of Section 158 of the Principal Act of the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act, 1960, the permission for transfer of land from tribal to non-tribal can be given by the Deputy Commissioner subject to the consent of the District Councils which says that, “where the transfer is to a person who is not a member of any such tribe, it is made with the previous permission in writing to the Deputy Commissioner, provided that the Deputy Commissioner shall not give such permission unless he has first secured the consent thereto of the District Council within whose jurisdiction the land lies.”

In contrary to the Principal Act of 1960; The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Act (Seventh amendment) Bill, 2015 passed by the Assembly, the words “valley areas” have been purposefully inserted. Further, amendment is made on Section 158 of the Act whereby the words “District Council” is deleted and two Section 14A & 14B are inserted to empower the State Cabinet to approve purchase of‘any land in the state’ in complete disregard to the provisions of Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971. This completely distorted the spirit of the principal Act and is bound to have long lasting impact on tribal land ownership system. As a matter of fact, the amendment Bill is a sinister design to grab tribal traditional land in due course of time by way of legal interpretation and means.

The new Section 14A (1) includes ‘…..who intend to purchase any land in the State of Manipur…’ thus, all Non-Manipur persons living in Manipur(Hills & Valley) shall be entitled to purchase any land in the hill areas as per Section 8 (a) on account of the Clarification Statement given in the Press Release issued by the Chief Minister’s Office on the 7th August, 2015 in corporation with the Protection of Manipur People Act, 2015 although the term“native people” is not defined anywhere in the Bill. But as clarified by the Government of Manipur, it is assumed that the Native People includes all sections/tribes living in Manipur (Hills & Valley), which include the valley dwellers too under the category of persons to be exempted from the said Act, which indicates that they could easily purchase any tribal land in the hill areas of Manipur.

It may be noted that, there is no common land laws in Manipur and trying to enforce such law negate the historical and cultural distinctive characteristics of the tribal.




The Manipur Shops and Establishment (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015:

The Principal Act provides for registration of Shops/Establishment and regulation of employment. The Amendment sought to provide for Registration of Employees by the Employers and to issue Identity Cards to the Employees. This law applies to the whole of Manipur including the Hill Areas as well. As Shops and Establishment shall be established not only in the Valley areas but also in the Hill Areas, why the Bill was passed without referring to the Hill Areas Committee for consideration which is against the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Manipur Legislative Assembly. The passing of the Bill tantamount to infringement of the Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972 as per clause (1) & (2) of Section 4 as mentioned above.




The present Bills and its implication to the hill tribes:

The Constitution of India under Article 371C provided that any legislation in the State Assembly of Manipur that effect the interests of the hill people should be first approved by the Hill Area Committee. In keeping with the spirit of the Constitution, the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act 1860 (passed when Manipur was a Union Territory) also provided a special provision (section 158) to make all tribal land non-transferable to any non-tribal person. But after Manipur got statehood in 1972 several attempts were made to dilute the said provision. For instance, clause (b) was added in 1976 which permitted a non-tribal person to purchase tribal land “with previous permission in writing to the Deputy Commissioner” but it was made mandatory for the Deputy Commissioner to first secured the consent of the District Council (within whose jurisdiction the land lies) before s/he gives such permission. When all attempts to loosen this protective provision in MLR&LR Act was thwarted (due to stiff opposition from the tribal people), the government finally came up with the present amendment bills as a backdoor provision to override section 158.

Under the new amendment bill passed on 31 August 2015 the final decision on transfer of “any land” in the state (including the tribal lands) is given to the State Cabinet. As per the provision of the amendment bill the recommendation of “Local Body” or “Local Self Government” can be override by the State Cabinet. This means that even if the tribal bodies oppose to the transfer of tribal land the same can be made possible if the Cabinet approved the transfer. With this power in the hands of the State Cabinet, non-tribal (especially the dominant Meiteis who were all this time eying the hill territory) will eventually buy out all the lands of the hill people and very soon the indigenous hill tribes would be reduced to refugees in their own homeland.

This will be made more legibly and tangentially by another Bill which was introduced along with MLR&LR one: the Protection of Manipur People Bill 2015. This Bill defined “Manipur People” as “persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants” in clause (b) of Section 2. It also defined “Non Manipur Person” as “a person who is not covered by clause (b) of Section 2”. The implication of this Bill is disastrous to the hill people who had not been covered by the said base line due to bad communication and official apathy. Therefore, larger part of the tribal population who had been living in their ancestral homeland since time immemorial would be suddenly labelled as “Non Manipur Person” and condemned as “foreigners”. The consequences of such labelling is but a hell to majority of the hill population who would undergo the tedious process of procuring a “Pass” and “Identity Card” under this Act or that of Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015 when he will be forbidden to purchase “any land” in the whole state. This means an expulsion from the state as “outsiders”. Overall, the three bills are targeting the hill people so that they can be expelled from their land and thereafter their land and territory will be distributed among the valley population. This intention will become clear from the following paragraph.


The growing tide of ethnic tension and conflict under Meitei domination

The passage of the three bills in the State Assembly is not the first time the dominant Meiteis had attempt to make the hill people refugees and foreigners in their own ancestral homeland. The Meiteis had fought for ST status so that it would allow them to access the hill territory which is so far protected from the tribes by MLR&LR Act 1960. They had fought to recognise Manipur as “Hill State” so that they can freely purchase land in the hills. Such and such attempts will go on in the future and the State government will continue to encourage such sinister design of the dominant Meitei community so that in the future the whole hill areas will be dominated by the valley Meiteis leading to the expulsion of the indigenous hill tribes from the hills of Manipur. This is already visible in the hill villages in the foothills. The valley district administrative jurisdiction was constantly extended over the hill districts. Several hill villages which belong to the hill districts earlier have now come under valley district jurisdiction and many of the hill tribes who live in this area were gradually and systematically expelled into the interior part of the hills. The bias state administration toward promoting the interest of the dominant Meitei community is also even more explicit in other cases. The naked forces of the State armed security personnel were often employed by the government to subdue the tribes. Many inhuman treatments were daily committed by the state forces (especially the so called “Commandos”) against the tribal people. In our daily situation the so-called protectors of the innocent people, the state security forces, turned out to be the perpetrators of terrors in the hills. The brutal killing of 9 people by the Commandos in Churachandpur on 1 and 2 August 2015 was just one case.

It is also a well publicised fact that since about 2000 the valley based Meitei insurgents make their hideouts in the hills and declared the hills of Manipur was their “liberated zone” committing as it went on uncountable heinous crime against the hill tribes. They planted landmines across the hills so that the hill tribes would be prevented from doing their daily agriculture chores. They forcibly outraged and raped many tribal women, forcibly used many more of them as their concubines. The tribal men were made to work for them as slaves. They destroyed anyone who came against them. The State Government pretended blind and remains a mute spectator before such barbaric invasion by the Meitei UGs. The reign of terror they spelt across the hill landscape during this time finally caused the central security forces to drive them away only to build their hideout camps in Myanmar border from where they continue to harass the hill tribes living in the border areas.

The Meitei public were equally vicious and rash in their dealing with the hill tribes. The tribal people were never considered by them as their equals and fellow citizens. Their arrogance has become more and more explicit in recent times. For instance, the Meitei International Forum had spread the venom of hatred across the state against the hill tribes terming them as “foreigners” and “outsiders”. It was this hate campaign against the tribes that brewed more and more tensions among different communities in the state. The Moreh incident of 18 August 2015 where conflict broke out between Kukis and Meiteis was just one part of the whole story resulted out of hate campaign perpetrated against the tribes by dominant Meitei community. In all this play of games the local media, mostly owned and dominated by the Meiteis, played a crucial role not as unbiased reporters but by promoting and propagating the Meitei interests and fuelling ethnic hatred in the state. More than one times the Meitei dominated electronic and print media were boycotted by different tribal bodies in the hills. With the

participation of media on the side of the Meiteis against propagating hate campaign against the hill people, ethnic tension and conflict has come at the apogee.

If the Meitei’s intention to grabs the land of the hill people is clear in all their earlier attempts and public discourses, the three bills introduced on 31 August 2015 finally spelt out even more clearly of that intention. It would be the fulfilment of their long cherished dreams to grab the land of the hill tribes if the three bills come into laws. The situation which we see in Manipur in the past, in the present, what is to come in the future is indeed what J.H. Hutton and N.E. Parry had once warned the British lawmakers (Simon Commission) in 1930. The clubbing together of hills and valley people in the Reformed Scheme of British Government was what Hutton had called the clubbing of “people of irreconcilable culture in an unnatural union which can ultimately only entail discomfort for both parties” and what Parry has called a “little short of a crime” that would ultimately brings nothing but “bloodshed”. This is what is exactly happening in Manipur today and will continue to happen in the future if the clubbing goes on. This is but a situation of an embodied fear and ontological insecurity (one experienced in the war zone) to the hill tribes.

The three Bills are not only anti-Tribal, but is also ‘unconstitutional’ as it is intended for protection of ‘Manipur people’ from ‘Non-Manipur people’ of the entire country, making the ‘non-Manipuri a foreigner’, thereby advocating ‘Dual-citizenship’ in India. The increasing population pressure in the valley Districts of the State is overstated and the reasons stated are unrealistic. Decades of unplanned settlement, self-centred concentration of all major infrastructures in valley areas and their inability to ‘see beyond self’ is responsible for such pathetic situation. Nevertheless, if the valleys District need protection and regulate migrants, let the three Bills be confined to the four valley District of the State without disturbing the rights and traditional land ownership of tribal.. Side by side, there should be another Law to protect the tribal from non-tribal in Hill Districts of the State i.e areas under the Six Autonomous District Councils of the State including pockets of land amalgamated with Valley District, without the consent of the tribal, in Manipur.

Source:Phualvatimes

Tuesday, September 15, 2015

Speech delivered by Pu Lalduhawma IPS (retd), President ZNP on 11th Sept. 2015 @ Lamka.

(Translated into Paite by Thang Ginlun Valte)

Amasa in na kiang uah Zosuante’ lak a pau khat Lusei (as used by him) pau in thu ka gen dia na theihsiam uh ka gingta ahi. Zosuante namneu tuamtuam, pau tuam nei i hi ua, i vek ua i kikop diing uh “common language” piang lellel hi in ngaituah le.

Na thuaknate uh galkhat lam a honna thuakpih mai hilou in heutute’n amun mahmah a mel hong kilat hoih asak ziak un, treasurer Pu C Lalbiakliana toh ka hong ua, amah diakdiak Delhi a hong kipan ahi a, lenna sung a kimu, zingchiang a amah Delhi a kiik diing, kei pen Aizawl lam a kiik diing ka hi hi.

K’ong tun tuung un Hospital ka vapha masapen ua, huai ah Joint philantropic organization te’n honna vaidawn ua, amau tung a ka kipak mahmah uh hi.Hihtheihsun chi’n ‘martyr’ te nampuan in ka tuam ua, damlou damdawi-inn a omte a ki-etkol na’ng uh hihtheih khomkhom ka va nutsiat uh hi.

Na theihsa bang un kou bel ‘opposition party’ ka hi ua, ka septheih uh a tawm mahmah. Hitamahleh unau, sisan gui kizopipihte na thuakna uh k’on thuakpih ua, chiklaipeuh a hon taisan lou diing ka hi uh chi a ka mel mahmah ua hong kilang a, hong genkhiak ka hih diing him ua ngai in ka treasure uh toh ka hong hoh uh hi.

Na gimdante uh ka thei ua, i JAC te na gimdan uh ka thei uhi. Midangte leng ni tampi mahni nna ngaihsak man louzen in na pang uh chih ka thei ua, zahtakhuai k’on sa uh hi. I ‘martyr’ te’ sungkuante ka thuakpih ua, himahleh amaute’ sihna pen kuate hiam sihna bang mai hilou in, khovel pumpi a Zosuante’n i pahtawi a,’martyr’ ahi ua, a luang tungtawn ua nam ngaihnatna – kiphawkkhiakna ‘chi’ hong kituh ahi chih thei ni. Lusunte’n leng a sungkuan; a khensate uh khovel pumpi a Zosuante’n kisunpih ahi a, thupitak a si ahi uh chih phawk uh henla, tuabang thute in ana kihehnem le uh i deih. Huchi’n khovel in a piakzel khamuanna bang hilou; tunglam in a piak zel khamuanna bangbang Pathian a kipan pen i deihsak a, hun hong pai zel diing ah ‘martyr’ te kimangngilh ngei lou diing chih ka gen ut ahi. Tutung buaina ziak a liamna tuakte hong damsiang pah uh ka deihsak ua, haksatna tuamtuam tuakte tengteng leng a thuakna uh theihpih ka hi uh chih ka gen thak ut ahi.

I buaina pipen uh, Manipur solkar in Bill a pass tungtang gen le, ‘reform bill’ a chih mai uh ka en zualzual a, bill poluttu Minister Debendro Singh in a puaklutna ziak, ‘objection reasons’ gelh hi. A thugelh ah Manipur phaizangmi district 4 ah mihing kitam gawp a, kineh lota, square km 1 kimkot a mihing 730 tak ki-om a, hill districts 5 ah mi tawm mahmah lai a, square km 1 kimkot sung ah mihing 61 kia om a, huaiziak in hun hong pai zek dia phaizang a teeng mite’n phaizang a inmun-loumun nei lou diing dinmun a a-om ziak in hiai Manipur gam, asung a teeng tengteng in inmun-loumun i neih vek theihna diing un hiai bill ka hon polut ahi, chi’n gelh hi.

A bill sungthu ‘clause by clause’ te chu khatpeuh hiphot leh, Minister in a puaklutna ziak, a pansan ah Manipur phaizang a teengte’n singtanggam a inmun-loumun a neihtheihna diing uh, singtangmite hon deep mang sawmna; hon ‘assimilate’ sawmna bill ahi chih a seelgu zou vual kei uh. Hiai gelhthoh a amau mahmah koih ahi a, huaiziak in hia bill pen ei a diing in bill lauhuai ahi lou thei kei hi. Hiai bill lak a tel MLR&LR Act 1960; ammendment a bawl ma ua pen a clause 158na in tribal te’n non-tribal te’ kiang a inmun-loumun zuakkhiak phalsak lou ahihman in, Manipur gam a ‘permanent residence’ tengteng (Permanent residence genchetna hiai dan/bill ah a gelh tuan kei ua) in hiai haksatna a pumpelh ua, zalentak a dan(law) ziak a nawngkaina om lou a inmun-loumun a zuak ua a kileituah theihna diing un hiai dan(law) poimoh ahi chih kigelh hi. Huaiziak in tribal gam, non-tribal hauszawte’n sum tampi hon ‘offer’ le uh gam kizuak mai diing ahihna ah, huchibang a sawt lou a tribal gam hon laksak thei diing chih a theichiang ngal ua, huai lah tulel a dan(law) omsa nuai a siang lou, zuak ut leng zong i zuak siang lou hi. Mizoram ah leng tuabang ahi. I inmunte, vaite’n sum tampipi in hon dawp mahle uh zuak mawk siang lou hi. Huchibang dan(Law) Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation(BEFR) kichi British te’n honna bawlsak uh kinei ahihman in, inmun-loumun sum tampi a zuak ut hilehang zong amaute’ kiang a zuak theih mawk louh ahi. Huchibang dan(law) Manipur ah leng om a, zuak utte’n leng phaizangmite’ kiang a zuak thei lou ahihman in dan(law) omsa nuaimang a tribal migenthei/mizawngte’ inmun-loumunte sum tampipi a leikhiat a deep mang sawm uh ahi chih hiai dan(bill) ah a chiang mahmah hi. Hiai pen dan hoih het lou abawlkhiak uh ahi.

Huchilou dan hoihlou dang a bawl uh ahihleh ‘Protection of Manipur People’s Bill 2015’ ahi. Hiai bill ah 1951 tan a ki register te manipur khua-le-tuite ahi uh achi uh ahi. “Native” te - manipur khua-le-tui hisate a huamkha kei diing achi hi. Himahleh hiai bill ah ‘Native people’ te kuate ahi ua chih genchetna ‘definition’ a om het kei hi. Hiai pen denchiang in a utdandan un hon ‘define’ ding ua, Meiteite kia ‘native people’ ahi uh hon chile uh, eilawi bel ‘non-native’ kihimai. 1951 nunglam a hong lutte, manipur khua-le-tui hilou hon chithei d uh ahi. Huaiziak in hiai bill in thuguk kiseel anei a, a hoih hetkei. A hon pass dan himhim uh leng dik lou ahi. Bill himhim ‘introduce’ phut a ‘pass’ phut diklou ahi. Ama a ni huaizah a kivei diing chih om a, MLA tengteng kiang a copy a piak vek ua innlam ah a ‘bill’ ana keem in ana veel vek diing ua, ‘session’ ni a ngaihdan neisa toh ‘debate’ a a ngaihdan uh gen thei dia ana kisakkholh diing uh ahi. Huaiziak in i MLA te’n bill himhim copy mu masa leh sim masa dia koih ahi. Ei a dia thil hoihlou om ahi chih thei diing bel i MLA te ahi uh. Ei mipi, mimawlte’ muhkhiak diing hizaw lou himhim ahi. Himahleh tutung in i MLA te’n bangmah hon hilh lou, mipite’n bill hoih louhdan mukhia hizaw daih. Assembly house a tu a hon humbit dia i telchingte’n hiai bill lauhuaitak hon hilh ut lou ua, pau lou maimah ua, hiai bill pass na a a vatut zawkmah ziak un i lungsim hon suna hi. Hiai ziak in haksatna chituamtuam hong piang zota hi.

Tu in i MLA te’n, “ahikei, mipite’ lam a pang diing kihizaw ahi” chih kitheikhia in a kitawpna uh a pelut uh chih zaak ahi. Kipahhuai ka sak kawmkawm in kitawpna pelut taktak mah uh hiam chihthu ah ka chiangkuang kei a, noule na chiangkuang kei uh hi. India gamsung ah telching MLA te’n kitawmpn a piaklut chiang un, ‘speaker’ kiang ah agelhthoh in a piaklut diing uh ahi. Huai pen India a news minthangte, doordarshan, radio a akipuanzak diing ahi. Kitawpna pelut lou mah hi unteh chih ka ngaihdan ahi a, hun in hon hilhchian diing in koih phot le’ng. Buaina hong tung a, hinna 9 tak leh liamna i na tuak hial uhi. Kei leng ‘Police” ka na pang ngeita a, Delhi Police ah ka na pang a bangtan hiam ah dan(law) ka na thei nilnial sam hi. hi. Police in mi kaptheihna thuneihna nei lou himhim ahi. Magistrate in thu a piakmasak ngai hi. Tutung i thiltuah toh kisai in ‘magistrate’ in ‘firing order’ a piak lam akithei kei. Kuate hiam in hon kap ahi uh chih a kilang. Hiai hon kaplumtu, IRB/Police, thau mekpuakte – ‘judicial enquiry’ hiam ‘magisterial inquiry’ ka ‘demand’ ahi. Dikloutak a thau mekpuak pen, India a koi mun peuh ah ‘against human rights” in ngai ua, ‘complain teitei uh hi. Hiai tungtang leng suikhiak dia phut ngeingei tuak ka sa hi.

Thuakna bel thuakna ahita a, thiltung te leng thiltung ahita hi. Hiai tungtang a ka genbeh ut ahihleh hun hong pai zel diing ah vualzawlna suaksak leng hilou hiam ka chi hi. I nam pumpi’ a dia vangsiatna hong tun a thumveina hi’n ka ngaihtuah a huaite vualzawlna ana hi toutou lai hi. Zoram buailai in inkuan tamtak Burma a i unaute bel in a vagaltai ua, amaute’n theihtawp in honna kithuahpih ua, huai in unau i hihna uh kilangsak a, i kipumkhatna uh a hatsak hi. Haksana kal a vualzawlna i tanna uh ana hi. Huai nung bangtanhiam zoh in unau melhaihhun a hong tung a Zoram ah i unaute ngei uh ‘foreigner’ bang a en in, Zoram a piang a khanglian, zi leh pasal neisate, Saptuam Upa, Village council member a telchingte tanpha tung ah khut i kha ua, a inn-le-lou uapan i nohkhia uh hi. Zoram a piang a khiangkhia naupangte’ a di’n a zalmang natan uah huai ban khovel a om tuan kei hi. Thakhatthu in ‘foreigner’ na hi chi a nohkhiak in a om uh hi. I nam ‘history uah hiai pen ‘doom’ liantak a suak a, poi i sa petmah. Tuabang hun in ZNP leh ZoRO in huchi diing hilou ahi chi’n ban ka na zaak uh hi. Huchibang vangsiatna i tuah nung in, tu’n kipumkhatna kiak hong dawn a, Myanmar a tuilian in leihoih hon theh a, huchi’n kiunauna leh kipumkhatna chi a hong selthakta hi. Tu’n bel i ki-it dialdialta uh chih theih mai hi’n ka mu. Hiai i nget louh vualzawlna i don lellel ahi. Alangkhat ah haksa mahleh thu kipahhuai ahi. Hiai a nihna hileh. A thumna bel - Tu’n ka unau, sisan kizoppihte’n haksatna nana tuak ua, melmate’n sisan hon suah uh. Na sisan kizoppih ka hi ua sung khat suak i hi ua himahleh hiai kizopna a kivawksang ngei kei. Na thuaknate un hon pikhawm a kou leng na ma uah hon tusak hi. Unau i hihna; i kipumkhatna hatsaktu vualzawlna ana hidaih ahi. Imphal a pan kong paina lampi uah ‘three wheeler’ a kizui a puanlap (flag) vom tak a lampi zuite a tam mahmah ua, ka sim seng kei uh, ka khasiattha suak. Hucibang a lungsim munkhat, kituahna thupi ka sa mahmah uhi. Khosung ka hong lut ua, ‘picketing’ ka mu ua, i numeite’n ma akai uh chih ka mu ua, amau nna poimohte nusia in, vuahzu, kholum nuai ah, numeite ana tu depdup ua, amaute ka zahtak a ka phat petmah ahi. Na gimdan uh ka mu ua, ann nangawn a hun a ne lou, tha tamtak na sengta uh. Huchikawmkal ah thilpiak - sum-le-pai tamtak, puan tamtak alut zungzung chih ka thei uh hi. Zankhat thil thu in Zosuante ki-unauna a hong piang a, zanlam a thiltung – i tuailaite’n thau ginna lam taisiatsan d ahihlai in thau ginna lam a nawk uh hi. Hiai koi a hong kipan ahia ? tunglam a kipan a nasep ahi. Kua ‘organise’ hi a kua a a ‘leader’ uh ? minloh d a om kei. A hong tung mai ahi. Huaiziak in Zotate’ a diing in khua avak dekta, Nam khat – unau i hihna uh theihsak i poimoh ua, vangsiatna zang a theihsak in i om ua, abul Manipur ah i pan ahi. Hiai ka muhdan diktak ahi.

Huaiziak in hiai haksatna i tuah a kipan i malam diing uh i et kawm a poimoh a, ‘political demand’ mumaltak nei diing in ka hon ngen ut ahi. Huai toh kiton a ka gen ut ahihleh, Meitei mipite toh kidou lou i hi. Kum tamtak i na tengkhawmta a, i kitanauna suksiat hetlouh diing ahi. Hiai thil pen ‘communal movement’ ahi kei a ‘political movement’ ahi. Meitei mipite toh i kidou zenzen kei. I kihuatna diing thu a om kei. Manipur solkar leh singtangmite kibei i hi a, solkar dou i hi. I vek ua i theih uh poimoh ka sa. Hiai ‘political demand’ i neihtouhna ding uah leh a thuaknate ua i unau Nagate’n nasatak in hon ‘support’ uh chih i theih in Nagate’ tung ah leng kipahthu ka gen uh hi. Himahleh amaute toh ‘political demand’ kibang i neih uh lemtang diing in ka gingta kei, amau bel atuam a pai ahi ua, amau lampi a zui d ua, en leng ei’ lampi i tawn tou diing uh. Deihsakna i kithukhak tuaktuak diing uh ahi. Tuabang kal a ka gen ut ahih leh Naga sisan kai hilou, Zota suul a pan suak hisi, i ‘blood group’ te mah, Naga ‘nomenclature’ kivuah a, Naga a a ki ‘identify’ uh poi ka sa. Amaute i nam, i chipih diktakte ahi uh. Amau leng hong kingaihtuah uh henla, Pathian a bawl bang a a-omna diing ditak ua hong om di’n ka ngen ut ahi.
Political demand tungtang ah, Meitei unaute toh ‘administrative’ khat nuai a omkhawm thei diing i hinawn kei uh chih a chiang. Amau’ a di’n le a hoih kei, nuam a sa tuan kei d uh. Ei’ a di’n le huai ahi thou. Banghiam a neuhneuh a tam d, khentuam kipoimoh ahi chih India solkar inle thei hen. Atuam in hon koih hen. singtangmite’ a di’n ‘separate administration’ na gen ging ua, kipahhuai ka sa. Himahleh ‘separate administration’ bang hiam chih khovel pumpi a zotate’n a ngaihkhiak theih diing ua i puankhiak poimoh ahi. Akintheilam pen a non gelfel uh poimoh ka sa.

Hospital lam a hun ka zat zoh un JAC office ah kithuahna hun hoihtak non bawlsak ua ka kipak mahmah uhi. N’on vaidawnnate uh leh n’on zintunna ziak un kipahthu ka hon gen uh hi. JAC unaute’ kiang ah leng ka gen ua,’political demand’ mumaltak hon nei un. ‘separate administration’ ahih diing leh Indian constitution nuai ah, STATE ahithei a, UT ahithei a, 6th SCHEDULED nuai a district council ahithei. Tulel in 5th Scheduled nuai ah na om ua, autonomy bangmah a om kei. “Autonomous” kichi ‘signboard’ a kitak pen ‘signboard’ kia ah a-om, consitution a omlou ahi. 5th Scheduled nuai ah ‘autonomy’ a om thei kei, ‘advisory council’ kia a om thei. Autonomous District Council omtheihna ahihleh 6th Scheduled nuai ah ahi a, thuneihna sangpi tawi ahi a, ‘direct funding’ ahihzawkmah leh hoihtak ahi. Option thum i nei ua huaite’ lak a aniampen ADC vanget d zaw kithalawphuai ka sa kei. Hon ngaihtuah unla i ‘political goal’ di’n State hiam; UT hiam hoih na sakzawkzawk uh – huai nuai ah Autonomous District Council bangzah hiam I neih diing ahi. Huai hilou a abul a pan 6th SCHEDULED i nget leh Manipur nuai a ki-om thouthou d, Minister khat inchage leh portfolio nuai a ki-om veve d. Hiai zaw zalenna thupi ahikei. Bang hihiam i ‘political demand’ diing, nou khut ah a-om a, na hih peuhmah uh hon ‘support’ diing ka hi uh.

Zankhatthu in ki-unauna a hong piang a, khenkhatte’n, “sawt a daih kei d, a kikhendalh nawn thou d uh” chi’n hon gal-et gige uh hi. Ei sung khenzak ding in Zosuan sung mah a nam taisan poisa lou mi khenkhat vanzat in hong zang diing uh hi, sum-le-pai zang in, joint philantropic organization te zang in, JAC a mi poimohte mah zang in, sum-le-pai zang a leikhiat leng hon sawm diing uh. Huchibang mite NAM MELMA ahi ua, huchibang lak a dingkip a gin-om ding in k’on thukhak ut hi. Overground a mipite’n pumkhat i hidan i langsak theita a. Pasalpha gamnuai a omte’n bang hon chi panlak sawm ahi ua chih ka thei ut mahmah. Overground a mipite lung kilualna taang ah simthu khat i vai i hawm theita ua, i unau – underground pasalpha, UPF, KNO makaite’n ‘ common political demand’ hon neihpih uh henla, genkhawm in, simthu khat in luangkhawm le Manipur Solkar in hon lau dia, Central solkar in hon lau dia, hon ngaipoimoh diing ahi. Huchilou a, Hmar in demand tuam; Kuki in demand tuam, Paite in demand tuam, pawl dang in demand tuam i neih nengnung pen i namdangte’ deihthusam ahizaw. Huaiziak in overground leh underground a te lungsim chiimtak toh i ngaihtuah khawm ua, ‘nex step’ i ngaihtuah khawm a, i vek ua phuutkhawm uh poimoh hi. Pawlpi kha in i dingkhawm thei keita zong agenda khat i neikhawm thei. Huai diing a I pankhawm uh deihhuai ka sa petmah ahi. Atung a ka gente step khatna ahi. Hiai pen Indian constitution nuai a Manipur state sung a i “political demand” diing ahi.

Note: A kimzaw leh chiangzaw https://youtu.be/qCkkjObtt_s ah ettheih ahi. Theihsiam louh, translation dik zou lou deih a om leh a original a pen laak diing ahi.



Sunday, September 13, 2015

Imphal's 'conspiracy' theory: Delhi behind tribal unity, unrest



Prashant Jha, Hindustan Times, Imphal



A mob set the residences of a Manipur minister and two legislators ablaze evening to protest the passing of allegedly “anti-tribal” bills in the 60-member assembly. (Photo source: Twitter)


In the polarised hill-valley rift in Manipur, both sides agree that the secrecy and ambiguity around the Naga framework agreement - signed between the centre and NSCN (I-M) in early August - have been unhelpful and contributed to tensions.

But that is where the overlap ends. Meiteis leaders in Imphal across the political spectrum, including members of the BJP, blame the centre for 'encouraging' tribals and helping the warring Kukis and Nagas arrive at a rare unity. Tribals say their unity is organic, and believe that Delhi should do more, impose president's rule on the state, and help them get a separate administration even if it is by challenging Meiteis.

Meitei backlash to Naga accord

The demand for Inner Line Permit - which finally led to the passage of the three bills at the heart of the current tension - had been underway in the state before the Naga pact. But observers say it intensified the agitation. It is said to have added to the Meitei sense of insecurity and fueled speculation that the centre was willing to trade Manipur's territorial integrity for peace with Nagas, and give away the Naga dominated districts of the state NSCN has been demanding. The Manipur assembly has passed a resolution on the inviolability of the state's territory.


Congress MLA N Biren Singh accuses Delhi of backing tribal groups to neutralise Manipur underground outfits. (Prashant Jha/HT Photo)

But the centre has already indicated that state borders may not be touched. R N Ravi, the government's interlocutor with the NSCN, is expected in Imphal to allay apprehensions.

When asked if a pan Naga cultural council, which does not impact territorial boundaries, would be acceptable to Manipur, N Biren Singh, Congress MLA and former cabinet minister said, "What is this cultural council? Punjabis are there in India and Pakistan - will Delhi allow them to have a cultural council? Will Delhi allow Pakistani flag in Kashmir? Why should we tolerate Nagas having mixed loyalties, allow a Naga flag in our territory? Political loyalty has to be to the state."

Even as Meiteis have ratcheted up the rhetoric in the run up to the final announcement of the deal, it has generated expectations among tribals.

A top government official in a hill district told HT, "Kukis have stepped up their demand for a state administration because of the deal. This lack of transparency and ambiguity is not helpful because of false hopes and fears it generates." Four MLAs of the Naga People Front have already resigned from the assembly, against its resolution and the passage of the bills.


'Conspiracy' behind unity

What has worried the Meitei polity most after the accord and in the recent agitation against the three bills is the coming together of Nagas and Kukis. Meitei politicians and activists see a deep 'conspiracy' here.

Congress leader Singh was a part of the drafting committee of the bills at the heart of the tribal backlash. He says the bills have nothing that affect tribals, and adds bluntly, "The real story is something else. The Christian tribals have come together. NSCN has told Kukis they can have a separate administration comprising hill districts like Churachandpur and Chandel in return for their support. And Delhi has backed this. They are using bills as an alibi to push statehood agenda."


In Churachandpur, various tribal groups unite against Manipur government and demand separate administration. (Prashant Jha/HT Photo)

Babloo Loitongbam, a human rights activist who was informally associated with the ILP movement told HT in his office in Imphal, "After the accord, Kuki leaders have been quiet. This is surprising because they have always said that unless the issue of NSCN burning 300 Kuki villages and killing 1000 Kukis in the 90s is resolved, there should be no deal. What we know is that Kuki leaders went to Delhi." He claims that since then, Naga and Kuki leaders have been negotiating. "The centre is giving mixed signals to all groups and has probably told Kukis to ask for separate administration rather than oppose the Naga pact." Yambem Lama, a Meitei journalist who is a former state human rights commission member, added, "The old principle that enemy's enemy is a friend is being used. Nagas and Kukis are seeing Meiteis as the common enemy."

When asked why Delhi would do so, Singh says it is to generate pressure on Meitei underground (UG) outfits who have been asking for secession. Loitongbam called it a ploy of the 'Chanakyas of Delhi' to have a sufficiently high degree of ethnic tension, so that power balances itself. He pointed to the armed challenge to the Indian state from the valley and the fact that 65 percent of those arrested under Unlawful Activities Prevention Act are Manipuris despite being .5 percent of the population. Others alleged this was Delhi's way to 'defang' the ILP movement which is an attack on the free movement of Indian citizens.

A key BJP leader of the state said, on the condition of anonymity since he did not want to challenge his party, that the centre should give a tougher signal to tribals. "I don't understand why BJP is backing Christian tribals. The party should reconsider its position and back Hindu Meiteis."

Tribals rubbish conspiracy

In the hill districts though, tribals rubbish the 'conspiracy theory' that India is backing them and helped unite the groups.

In Churachandpur, a dozen activists HT spoke to believed that tribal unity was a 'great achievement' of the movement. "We have fought in the past but right now all tribals are united because it is a matter of our survival and identity. These bills will result in valley people taking away our land. We have a common enemy and that is why Nagas, Kukis and all aligned tribes have come together," says Lianzamung Tunsing, information secretary of the Joint Action Committee, the umbrella civil society body in the district dealing with the fallout of the violence.

When asked about the impact of the Naga deal, another young activist, Sang Lethil, said, "The Nagas are on a boat which is moving. If we don't sit on the same boat, there will be no escape for us from the Valley ever. We will not submerge with the Nagas of course but our exit route is the same."

But when pointed out that there is an overlap in the territory claimed by the Nagas and Kukis, Lethil said, "Local adjustments are happening. We will find a way. The key thing now for us is not the bills now; it is a separate administration for the hills."

If the Meiteis feel Delhi is intervening excessively, the tribals claim that Delhi is not doing enough. The protestors in Churachandpur have placards demanding president's rule; the JAC has submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister. And a Kuki tribal leader told HT, "We want to be under the union of India, not the state of Manipur. Delhi should take charge and give us an administrative unit."

It is in the midst of these competing demands and perceptions - which Delhi may or may not be complicit in creating - that the centre is navigating the complex Manipur conundrum.




http://www.hindustantimes.com/analysis/imphal-s-conspiracy-theory-delhi-behind-tribal-unity-unrest/article1-1388915.aspx

Thursday, September 10, 2015

Thursday, April 23, 2015

Kuki National Organsation, Seilen Haokip, interviewed by V K Shashikumar, Special Investigations, CNN-IBN



In an exclusive interview, spokesperson for Kuki National Organsation, Seilen Haokip, talks to V K Shashikumar, Special Investigations, CNN-IBN about Naga and Kuki issues.

V K Shashikumar: There are competing histories. The Nagas have a different historical outlook on the Kuki issue, the Kukis have a different outlook on Naga issues, and so on and so forth and it seems to be spread over all ethnicities in the Northeast. At some point in time the competing histories will have to cooperate. How do you arrive at that position?
Seilen Haokip: I agree with you there are competing histories, and in a sense that is inevitable because both communities rely on the oral traditions and its difficult in that context to say that this is right and that is wrong. However what has been problematic is our histories in the recorded sense were started by the British. There is no other recorded history that is accessible to both communities at the moment. It is from the perspective of the colonialist. What is written by the British is not complementary toward the Kukis as much as they are towards the Nagas.

V K Shashikumar: Effort is being made by the Kukis themselves, to present their own history in their own way. Books are being written and so on.
Seilen Haokip: True. But we are relying on sources, again which are lying largely based on oral traditions. And if you pit that against what the British have written, it’s a bit difficult to balance the two. One specific reason for that is, for the time that the British moved to the Northeast, the Kukis sort of opposed them, they didn’t want them to come into their lands. And they record this in their books as Kuki raids, I mean that’s their perspective, from our perspective it’s defending our territory, our area of influence, etc. Naga nationalism, no offense meant, was promoted by the British.

V K Shashikumar: All of this, including your views on Naga nationalism is colored by or in the context of the Kuki-Naga clashes. Isn’t that kind of a reality, fact of life that those clashes fundamentally altered the way that Kukis looks at Nagas and visa-versa? PAGE_BREAK
Seilen Haokip: I think that’s true, but at the same time we are discerning about our history. We shouldn’t forget that during the time of Phizo’s leadership, Phizo was a politician and he had a vision and he was inclusive of other ethnic communities as it were. And he didn’t communalize Naga nationalism. In fact in 1929 the famous Simon Commission was submitted, and a Kuki was a signatory. So Kuki was integral to the Naga movement at the time. Its unfortunate that that took a change from the time when National Socialist Council of Nagaland ()NSCN)-IM came up, and even with regard to NSCN (IM) in Ukhrul district, where Thuingaleng Muivah comes from, he has a lot of Kuki friends. Kukis and Tangkhuls live together. With the rise of Naga nationalism, mainly started by Muivah, which had gained a certain momentum by the time by the time Muivah came into power. Unfortunately whatever prompted him that elevated Naga nationalism, was directed on the Kukis. And so from 1992 to 1997, about 900 Kukis were killed and before that a total of almost 40-50 Kukis were from the 1940’s to 50’s were systematically eliminated. So this has put Kukis in a very disadvantageous position. And their claim that Kukis are immigrants from Burma, that is a very erroneous perspective because you cannot say Kukis came from Burma because before the British came and the international boundary was drawn all that area was areas where Kukis lived. They moved about freely within that area and also the Nagas. The Tangkhuls are from Somra tribe. So if you say that today, Kukis migrated from Burma, essentially what you are doing is projecting today’s norms into the past. Now that is a completely blurred, obscured, so if Kukis are migrants so are Nagas. When NSCN (IM), with the momentum set by Phizo, was able to be in a position superior to the Kukis because at the time in 1992 Kukis were not in a movement. They had surrendered all their weapons after the MNF movement; they were living as loyal citizens of India to be protected by the Indian security forces as any other citizen of India.

V K Shashikumar: That’s an interesting thing you said about projecting present day norms into the past. But that’s really part of the problem because when you look at the solution now, how do you get these claims about the land out of the way?
Seilen Haokip: I think that is something that has to be mutually agreed upon. If the Nagas claim these are our territories, which they are doing now, I’d like to refer to a specific example: Chandal district in Manipur. Chandal district has a population which is 100 per cent Kuki. Unfortunately when the British were here they divided the Kukis into two categories; old Kuki and new Kuki. Now Chandal has a big population of the old Kuki group. What happened about 20, 30 years ago the Tangkhul Christian missionaries went there, preached and converted a number of them into Christianity. So now there is a disintegration of Kuki identity with the sections of the population identifying with for example Naga. Now more groups from the old Kukis have adopted the Naga identity, in the same way as Naga people. Now in present day situations, NSCN (IM) is claiming Chandal district as part of their dream of or their goal of Nagaland, or sometimes referred to as Greater Nagaland.


V K Shashikumar: What are the resolutions the Kuki NAtional Organisation (KNO) would be happy with? 
Seilen Haokip: The KNO from my understanding, the late chief of army staff, Vipin Haokip, made a profound statement. That he was not looking at just Naga and Kuki issues, because currently in Manipur there are three communities; Kukis, Nagas, and Meithei. So you can’t have solution for one and ignore the other, if you want the entire region to be in a situation where there is peace, stability, and tranquility, then you need to have solution for the three. So suggested a tri-part tribe solution in Manipur; one for the Nagas, one for the Meithei, and one for the Kukis. From what they are saying of course they want their territories to be integrated with the exiting state of Nagaland, but if they go on the basis of what they claim to be Naga territory then they come into direct conflict with the Kukis not the Meithei. The Meithei are talking about talking about Manipur territorial integrity from a sort of emotional and also political perspective.

V K Shashikumar: Just to bring you back to that question, before we come back to the Meiteis, what do you think will make the KNO happy in terms of a resolution. What’s the plan in your mind?

Seilen Haokip: KNO now on the one hand they want their historicity to be recognized, that they were independent people not under Burma, India, Meithei, or Naga, not anybody. They were an independent people. That should be recognized and the second point is that they want their problems to be resolved under the framework of the Indian constitution. And they are saying if India, and for that matter Burma, because we are in Burma because the British divided us into two groups, is saying if India wants us to be part of the Indian Union we are happy to do that. Then recognize our territory by way of statehood and that is administrative. That will have an impact on the Meithei community because they would interpret that as Manipur being divided. We are not asking for the valley to be part of the Kuki state.

V K Shashikumar: What about the demand for a Kuki state in the Burmese side? Isn’t that impossibility?
Seilen Haokip: No it should not be an impossibility because its politically sound, its historically reasonable. Kuki areas in Burma are, is concentrated in the Segang division, Tamu is part of that across Moreh. Now what KNO is saying, same thing to the government of Myanmar, you want us to be a part of Burma we are happy but recognise our area by way of according us statehood, and its an administrative request. We are not trying to secede from Burma nor from India. And the likelihood of that coming to pass is more because the Kukis in Burma support the NLD, the National League for Democracy.

V K Shashikumar: So you would not settle for an autonomous head council or something to that effect.

Seilen Haokip: No I think there has been too much bloodshed, too many disadvantages faced by the Kukis to sort of be content with an autonomous district or whatever.

V K Shashikumar: The UNLF says that it is secular, that it has a multicultural, multiethnic approach. They do not see Manipur separated by Kukis, Meitheis, or Nagas or whatever. Why doesn’t that vision fit in with your vision?
Seilen Haokip: It will not because in terms of the recent past developments etc, when the NSCN (IM) addressed on the Kukis in the 1990’s, we were in a severe disadvantage because as I told you we were vulnerable because we did not possess arms, we were not in a movement.

V K Shashikumar: But UNLF is opposed to NSCN (IM).

Seilen Haokip: When IM aggressed on us, and from 1992 to 1997 slaughtered us, where was UNLF? Did they ever prevent IM from killing Kukis, were they able to protect them if they did? 900 would have not died. 350 villages were uprooted, more than 50,00 have been displaced.

V K Shashikumar: Were they in a position to come to your rescue because they only declared war in 1990, but actual engagement was in 1995?
Seilen Haokip: Well they are the dominant group by population, and as you know by UNLF they are far more well equipped than an NSCN (IM) or a KNO I would think, because they are far more affluent. They can purchase much more than NSCN (IM) or KNO combined.

V K Shashikumar: Is the KNO happy with NSCN (K)?

Seilen Haokip: Politically in principle yes because NSCN (K) in their ideology do not call for territorial integrity for the so-called Naga people, which NSCN (IM) which is asserting. So in other words they are not going to affect Kuki territory. That’s the implicit understanding of their ideology by KNO.

V K Shashikumar: KNO is politically ok with NSCN (K), but radically opposed and at war, literally, with NSCN (IM). On the other hand UNLF cannot see NSCN (IM) because it is more friendly with NSCN (K). In fact they co-habit together in some places because of water. It is a weird combination of all these ethnicities’ short-term interests, bringing people together and nobody is looking at the long term.

Seilen Haokip: I think KNO is definitely looking at the long term. And UNLF is also from their point of view. But what, perhaps you have not observed is with regard to the UNLF, in Chandal district, in Churchandpur district their presence is still there. They took shelter there because they couldn’t be secure in Imphal valley with Indian army being on their absolute gung-ho offensive to encounter them or contain them. So they moved to the hills. We’ve heard number of things about them doling out food items to the village people, specially in the interiors who are poor. As time went on we began to hear of atrocities committed by them, even chiefs being sort of whipped, beaten, forced labor, killings. Now you hear about rape in Churchanpur in Parbung. And then we also began to hear about encounters with UNLF guarders and KNA, especially Samtaal area. And the tragedy about their, UNLF’s opposition to the Indian army is such that they come to a place like Maurice for example, set mines, Assam Rifle personnel get blown up, and Assam Rifle reacts takes it out on the Kuki population who are living there.

V K Shashikumar: To present the other point of view, Sanayaima, he made 2 or 3 points categorically and took great offense to the fact when a question was posed to him saying you are basically a Meithei, valley-based organization, what are you doing in the hills- saying that we are not a valley-based organization, that we are a Manipur based organization.

Seilen Haokip: Well in that case he is forcing himself on the land of the Kukis. If they and took shelter and we as historical sort of communities which were on good terms, you can’t come into my territory today and start imposing your views, your laws, and because you have superiority in terms of military power, you can’t intimidate people.

V K Shashikumar: The UNLF says it places mine to protect its camps and its personnel. But if it ever places mines on civilian areas it warns the local villagers not to go there. Three civilians have been killed from the mines that it laid, and they were killed because they failed to obey the instructions. But they find that using mines to deter the security forces is in fact a legitimate form of warfare.
Seilen Haokip: It may be legitimate for them, but its in Kuki territory and its killing Kuki civilians. How can that be legitimate, how can that be acceptable to the Kukis? I’ve heard of pregnant women who go into the forest to pick up roots, vegetables for their livelihood. She gets blown up with her baby etc, and KNO by the way has signed the Geneva call Anti-mine Program. They don’t believe in setting mines. Now when we have done that as Kukis, and KNO has formally, officially been a signatory for this, how can they tolerate another group in our territory planting bombs, and killing Kuki people whether they dictate or they say, pass out instructions.

V K Shashikumar: You were saying with your negotiations with the army, with the other agencies and what’s really happening on the ground.

Seilen Haokip: If I may just talk about something in that context. We often hear allegations of the Kukis conniving with Indian army. I see that as a complete misunderstanding of the situation. The Kukis, the KNO’s objective as I mentioned is the find solutions within the framework of the Indian constitution. Then why should they be at odds with the Indian security forces. And if the Indian security forces protect them, they are protecting them as loyal citizens whose objectives are clear. Why do they wield arms within India? Unfortunately, considering the terrain etc and the remoteness of the region, despite the deployment of battalions of whatnot, the Kukis was evident since 1992 to 1997 IM slaughtered them and the Indian security forces could not protect them. So we have to wield arms for our own protection. We don’t wield arms to gain an independent country because we have articulated our ideology.

V K Shashikumar: That point is well taken, but what’s happening now.

Seilen Haokip: The government of India is talking to NSCN (IM) who were the perpetrators of, in fact it is being called Kuki genocide. Kukis are the victims they are not being engaged in any political dialogue despite the fact that KNO has sent numerous memorandums. Talking to the army, signing a ceasefire with the army is clearly something that was initiated by the army, which we appreciated and we observed. We were to be taken to the negotiating table within 6 months. That has elapsed, now the ceasefire is not extended officially although the status quo remains as mentioned. But political dialogue has not started either so whilst NSCN (IM), NSCN Khaplang have their ceasefires renewed, extended, political dialogues carry on. With Kukis ceasefire is not extended yet, there’s no political dialogue. Although we want the problem solved within the framework of the constitution, we feel completely ignored. But if the government continues to ignore KNO, which has now 8 organizations with it. In the past we had heard rumors that the state cannot talk to the Kukis because they are disunited, there are too many factions. Now that excuse is completely irrelevant.

V K Shashikumar: If that does not happen?

Seilen Haokip: I cannot speak about because I do not know. But hopefully if they go for an alternative, it’ll be something that is not anti-national because we firmly believe in being Indian. We are born in India, we are raised up. I’ll just elude briefly to a historical perspective. When India gained independence and Sardar Patel went around the nation and brought the princely states at that time Manipur was a princely state. When Sardar Patel went to bring Manipur princely state into India, the Kukis opposed. They said if you go, our territories will become part of the Indian Union as well. But there was quite a strong pressure from the Meithei public, which forced the king to go to Shillong and sign the accord. After that Kukis chose to reconcile with the situation and became loyal citizens of India. Up till that point they thought that now that India was independent they would regain their historical status of being sovereign in their own context. Now that dream came to pass.


V K Shashikumar: That dream went away. What’s the new dream?
Seilen Haokip: The new dream now, as I mentioned earlier is just two points. Let me preface that with after that merger agreement, the Kukis reconciled to be a part of India. One is recognize our historicity that we were a free independent people. In principle that should be recognized so that our history is preserved. Second is, if India wants our territory, which is more than half of the state of Manipur as a part of the Indian Union, secure us by recognizing that area as Kuki statehood. Simple as that, nothing more nothing less.